The modern division of labor consists   of a ruling class (top 1%) that  control about 40% of all financial   assets, a managerial class ( the top  2%-10%) who control about 35% of   all assets, with the other 90% of the  working masses dividing up the   25% that’s left. The pyramid is organized by a complex and highly   specialized division  of labor, state-run education, massive   corporations, government  bureaucracy, the judiciary, intelligence   organizations, mediatic  propaganda machines and mainstream religion.   Those rare few that  actually wake up and see the zombie world are   quickly diagnosed by the DSM-5   and given anti-depressants. There are two things everyone wants all  the  time, and one of them is  money. Control of the money is the magic  wand  that rules the world. All  the other religious, patriotic and   historical paraphernalia are directly  related to allowing the 1% to   control the creation of money. Take that  away, and they are nothing but   media hacks. The current era which began with the creation of the   Federal Reserve  and the involvement of the United States in WWI is   coming to an end. The  great mistake most “awake” people make is   believing redemption is at  hand while underestimating the ruling class.   The masters of propaganda  and finance and are much more in control   then they will ever reveal  through their own channels. Their   imaginations are immense and their  capacity to orchestrate drama has no   limits. They are the voice of  reason while the dissenters are   “diagnosed” with a collection of  ailments that quickly marginalize   them. - Robert Bonomo, What QE3 Will Look Like, Activist Post, August 12, 2011
 The American model of high productivity and low pay has friends in high places; the U.S. government is in collusion with corporations to lower the standard of living of the workforce -- first the private sector and then everyone else.
The American model of high productivity and low pay has friends in high places; the U.S. government is in collusion with corporations to lower the standard of living of the workforce -- first the private sector and then everyone else.
By Mark Provost, Truthout
December 14, 2010
According to a recent CNN poll, three out of four Americans believe the recession is not over. Unemployment has not been this high for this long in most Americans’ lifetime. 
By every measure, the U.S. economy is failing to recover from the Great Recession.
Every measure except one.
In the last 18-20 months, corporate profits climbed at the fastest pace on record. Non-financial companies are reporting the highest free cash flow (profits after dividends and capital expenditures) in a half-century. Profit margins at S&P 500 companies are now above 9%, approaching uncharted territory. Joseph Lavorgna, chief U.S. economist of Deutsche Bank, stresses,
 “Not only are we seeing a tremendous V-shaped recovery in corporate profits, but we are in fact seeing the biggest corporate profit recovery ever.”
The Obama recovery is turning the traditional formula on its head; corporate profits have not been a leading indicator of economic recovery, 
but a lagging indicator of Main St. impoverishment. The Greatest Recovery in corporate profits and the Great Recession are two sides of the same coin.
Worker-advocacy group Change to Win released the results of a recent survey which found that 
wage stagnation ranks as the most common impact of the Great Recession. Workers will believe in the recovery narrative when they see a raise in their paychecks. 
For now, productivity gains are going straight to their employers’ bottom line. Andrew Sum, professor of economics at Northeastern University, concludes that the current expansion “has seen the most lopsided gains in corporate profits relative to real wages in our history.”
The Greatest Recovery marks corporate executives’ latest triumph in their decades-long campaign against labor. 
Since the Reagan expansion, U.S. corporate profits exhibited a permanent tendency to soar at the expense of wages. The top one percent of income earners accrued nearly two-thirds of all economic growth. Profit margins expanded in an unprecedented super-cycle while workers struggled through increasingly lopsided, jobless recoveries. The last three expansions presaged the Greatest Recovery and defined its precise shape.
The unequal distribution of income between profits and wages is ultimately reflective of an unequal distribution of power between business and labor — at the workplace and in Washington.
President Obama signaled his commitment to continuity early on. Despite underestimating the rise of unemployment in late 2008 and early 2009, Obama’s advisors rejected the public employment option swifter than its counterpart in healthcare reform. 
President Obama initially defended the stimulus on the specific grounds that the private sector would create 95% of the jobs.
Some critics of the plan correctly argued that, given the decline in demand, the stimulus should have been larger. Size was not the only problem. Larry Summers, Obama’s former chair of economic advisors, designed the stimulus to maximize GDP rather than employment —
 job creation, private sector included, was at best an incidental goal.
Twenty-six million Americans are presently unemployed or underemployed. According to Economic Policy Institute’s Heidi Schierholz, 
“If the rate of job growth were to continue at October’s rate, the economy would achieve prerecession unemployment rates (5% in 2007) in roughly 20 years.”
The Obama administration’s laissez-faire attitude towards the reeling labor market contrasts sharply with the direct assistance it provided to the financial industry. The two-dozen Treasury and Federal Reserve policies implemented during the financial crisis shared one overriding goal: prevent prices from falling in the real estate, bond, and equity markets. Yet, the Obama administration ignored the Employee Free Choice Act 
even as the price of labor (wages and salaries) suffered the sharpest decline in 50 years. The administration’s economic policy regime compels workers to the free market 
while protecting banks from its ruinous fallout.
President Obama’s refusal to resolve the unemployment crisis provides the corporate sector with a crucial, often overlooked, subsidy. High unemployment permits management to extort wage concessions and productivity gains from their anxious employees. An article in the December issue of The Economist explains, 
“Since the end of 2008 business-sector productivity has grown at an impressive annualized rate of 4.2% while hourly compensation has crept ahead by just 2.1%. Unit labor costs have fallen at an annualized 2% rate, the steepest cumulative decline since the 1950s. Profits owe their V-shape in great part to employment’s L-shape.”
The unemployment crisis qualifies as a national emergency; it’s also the foundation of the Greatest Recovery.
Profits are rising sharply in the United States, but wages are not. The  unemployment rate remains high, and a rapid increase in jobs is not  forecast. Clearly, American business has shed jobs in short order. The  resulting rise in productivity is not being shared by workers. How much  longer can this go on? The authors analyze the disturbing numbers. -  Andrew Sum and Joseph McLaughlin, The Massive Shedding of Jobs in America, 
Challenge, December 2010
By Mark Provost, Truthout
January 8, 2011
In a January 2009 ABC interview with George Stephanopoulos, then President-elect Barack Obama said fixing the economy required shared sacrifice: 
"Everybody's going to have to give. Everybody's going to have to have some skin in the game."
For the past two years,
 American workers submitted to the president's appeal — taking steep paycuts despite hectic productivity growth. By contrast, corporate executives have extracted record profits by sabotaging the recovery on every front — eliminating employees, repressing wages, withholding investment and shirking federal taxes.
The global recession increased unemployment in every country, but the American experience is unparalleled. According to a July Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) report, the US accounted for half of all job losses among the 31 richest countries from 2007 to mid-2010. The rise of US unemployment greatly exceeded the fall in economic output. Aside from Canada, US Gross Domestic Product (GDP) actually declined less than any other rich country from mid-2008 to mid-2010.
Washington's embrace of labor market flexibility ensured companies encountered little resistance when they launched their brutal recovery plans. Leading into the recession, the US had the weakest worker protections against individual and collective dismissals in the world, according to a 2008 OECD study. Blackrock's Robert Doll explains, 
"When the markets faltered in 2008 and revenue growth stalled, US companies moved decisively to cut costs — unlike their European and Japanese counterparts."
The US now has the highest unemployment rate among the ten major developed countries.
The private sector has not only been the chief source of massive dislocation in the labor market, but has also been a beneficiary. Over the past two years, productivity has soared while unit labor costs have plummeted. By imposing layoffs and wage concessions, US companies are supplying their own demand for a tractable labor market. Private sector union membership is the lowest on record. Deutsche Bank Chief Economist Joseph LaVorgna notes that profits-per-employee are the highest on record, adding, 
"I think what investors are missing — and even the Federal Reserve — is the phenomenal health of the corporate sector."
Due to falling tax revenues, state and local government layoffs are accelerating. In contrast, US companies increased their headcounts in November at the fastest pace in three years, marking the tenth consecutive month of private sector job creation. The headline numbers conceal a dismal reality; 
after a lost decade of employment growth, the private sector cannot keep pace with new entrants into the workforce.
The few new jobs are unlikely to satisfy Americans who lost careers. In November, 
temporary labor represented an astonishing 80 percent of private sector job growth. Companies are transforming temporary labor into a permanent feature of the American workforce. United Press International (UPI) reports that, 
"This year, 26.2 percent of new private sector jobs are temporary, compared to 10.9 percent in the recovery after the 1990s recession and 7.1 percent in previous recoveries."  
The remainder of 2010 private sector job growth has consisted mainly of low-wage, scant-benefit service sector jobs, especially bars and restaurants, which added 143,000 jobs, growing at four times the rate of the rest of the economy.
Aside from job fairs, large corporations have been conspicuously absent from the tepid jobs recovery — but they are leading the profit recovery. Part of the reason is the expansion of overseas sales, but the profit recovery is primarily coming off the backs of American workers. After decades of globalization, US multinationals still employ two-thirds of their global workforce from the US (21.1 million workers out of a total 31.2 million). Corporate executives are hammering American workers precisely because they are so dependent on them.
An annual study by USA Today found that private sector paychecks as a share of Americans' total income fell to 41.9 percent earlier this year, a record low.  Conservative analysts seized on the report as
 proof of President Obama's agenda to redistribute wealth from, in their words, those "pulling the cart" to those "simply riding in it." Their accusation withstands the evidence —
 only it's corporate executives and wealthy investors enjoying the free ride. Corporate executives have found a simple formula: the less they contribute to the economy, the more they keep for themselves and shareholders. A Federal Reserve flow of funds report reveals corporate profits represented a near-record 11.2 percent of national income in the second quarter.
Nonfinancial companies have amassed nearly $2 trillion in cash, representing 11 percent of total assets, a sixty-year high. Companies have not deployed the cash on hiring as weak demand and excess capacity plague most industries. Companies have found better use for the cash. As Robert Doll explains, 
"High cash levels are already generating dividend increases, share buybacks, capital investments and M&A [mergers and acquisitions] activity — all extremely shareholder-friendly."
Companies invested $262 billion in equipment and software investment in the third quarter;that compares with nearly $80 billion in share buybacks. The paradox of substantial liquid assets accompanying a shortfall in investment validates Keynes's idea that slumps are caused by excess savings. 
Three decades of lopsided expansions have hampered demand by clotting the circulation of national income in corporate balance sheets. An article in the July issue of The Economist observes that, "business investment is as low as it has ever been as a share of GDP."
The decades-long shift in the tax burden from corporations to working Americans has accelerated under President Obama. For the past two years, executives have reported record profits to their shareholders, 
partially because they are paying a pittance in federal taxes. Corporate taxes as a percentage of GDP in 2009 and 2010 are the lowest on record at just over 1 percent.
Corporate executives complain that the US has the highest corporate tax rate in the world, but there's a considerable difference between the statutory 35 percent rate and what companies actually pay (the effective rate). Here again, large corporations lead the charge in tax arbitrage. US tax law allows multinationals to indefinitely defer their tax obligations on foreign earned profits until they "repatriate" (send back) the profits to the US. US corporations have increased their overseas stash by 70 percent in four years, now over $1 trillion —
 largely by dodging US taxes through a practice known as "transfer pricing." Transfer pricing allows companies to allocate costs in countries with high tax rates and book profits in low-tax jurisdictions and tax havens — regardless of the origin of sale. US companies are using transfer pricing to avoid US tax obligations to the tune of $60 billion dollars annually, according to a study by Kimberly A. Clausing, an economics professor at Reed College in Portland, Oregon.
The corporate cash glut has become a point of recurrent contention between the Obama administration and corporate executives
. In mid-December, a group of 20 corporate executives met with the Obama administration and pleaded for a tax holiday on the $1 trillion stashed overseas, claiming the money will spur jobs and investment. In 2004, corporate executives convinced President Bush and Congress to include a similar amnesty provision in the American Jobs Creation Act; 842 companies participated in the program, repatriating $312 billion back to the US at 5.25 percent rather than at 35 percent. In 2009, the Congressional Research Service concluded that most of the money went to stock buybacks and dividends — in direct violation of the Act.
The Obama administration and corporate executives saved American capitalism. The US economy may never recover.
By Mark Provost, Truthout
May 24, 2011
Christina Romer, former member of President Obama's Council of Economic Advisors, accuses the administration of "shamefully ignoring" the unemployed. Paul Krugman echoes her concerns, observing that Washington has lost interest in "the forgotten millions."
America's unemployed have been ignored and forgotten, but they are far from superfluous. Over the last two years, out-of-work Americans have played a critical role in helping the richest one percent recover trillions in financial wealth.
Obama's advisers often congratulate themselves for avoiding another Great Depression — an assertion not amenable to serious analysis or debate. A better way to evaluate their claims is to compare the US economy to other rich countries over the last few years.
On the basis of sustaining economic growth, the United States is doing better than nearly all advanced economies. From the first quarter of 2008 to the end of 2010, US gross domestic product (GDP) growth outperformed every G-7 country except Canada.
But when it comes to jobs, US policymakers fall short of their rosy self-evaluations. Despite the second-highest economic growth, Paul Wiseman of the Associated Press (AP) 
reports: "The U.S. job market remains the group's weakest. U.S. employment bottomed and started growing again a year ago, but there are still 5.4 percent fewer American jobs than in December 2007. That's a much sharper drop than in any other G-7 country." 
According to an important study by Andrew Sum and Joseph McLaughlin,
 the US boasted one of the lowest unemployment rates in the rich world before the housing crash — now, it's the highest.  
The gap between economic growth and job creation reflects three separate but mutually reinforcing factors: 
US corporate governance, Obama's economic policies and the deregulation of US labor markets.  Old economic models assume that companies  merely react to external changes in demand — lacking independent agency  or power. While executives must adapt to falling demand, they retain a  fair amount of discretion in how they will respond and who will bear the  brunt of the pain. Corporate culture and organization vary from country  to country.
   In the boardrooms of corporate America, profits aren't everything — they are the only thing. A JPMorgan research report concludes  that the current corporate profit recovery is more dependent on falling  unit-labor costs than during any previous expansion. At some level,  corporate executives are aware that they are lowering workers' living  standards, but their decisions are neither coordinated nor intentionally  harmful. Call it the "paradox of profitability." Executives are acting  in their own and their shareholders' best interest: maximizing profit  margins in the face of weak demand by extensive layoffs and pay cuts.  But what has been good for every company's income statement has been a  disaster for working families and their communities.
   Obama's lopsided recovery also reflects  lopsided government intervention. Apart from all the talk about jobs,  the Obama administration never supported a concrete employment plan. The  stimulus provided relief, but it was too small and did not focus on job  creation.
 The administration's problem is not a  question of economics, but a matter of values and priorities. In the  first Great Depression, President Roosevelt created an alphabet soup of  institutions — the Works Progress Administration (WPA), the Tennessee  Valley Authority (TVA) and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) — to  directly relieve the unemployment problem, a crisis the private sector  was unable and unwilling to solve. In the current crisis, banks were  handed bottomless bowls of alphabet soup — the Troubled Asset Relief  Program (TARP), the Public-Private Investment Program (PPIP) and the  Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility (TALF) — while politicians  dithered over extending inadequate unemployment benefits.
The  unemployment crisis has its origins in the housing crash, but the prior  deregulation of the labor market made the fallout more severe. Like  other changes to economic policy in recent decades
, the deregulation of  the labor market tilts the balance of power in favor of business and  against workers. Unlike financial system reform, the deregulation of the  labor market is not on President Obama's agenda and has escaped much  commentary. 
 Labor-market deregulation boils down to three  things: weak unions, weak worker protection laws and weak overall  employment. In addition to protecting wages and benefits, unions also  protect jobs. Union contracts prevent management from indiscriminately  firing workers and shifting the burden onto remaining employees. After  decades of imposed decline, the United States currently has the fourth-lowest private sector union membership in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
  America's low rate of union membership partly  explains why unemployment rose so fast and — thanks to hectic  productivity growth — hiring has been so slow.
  Proponents of labor-market flexibility argue  that it's easier for the private sector to create jobs when the  transactional costs associated with hiring and firing are reduced.  Perhaps fortunately, legal protections for American workers cannot get  any lower: US labor laws make it the easiest place in the word to fire  or replace employees, according to the OECD. 
  Another consequence of labor-market flexibility has been the shift from full-time jobs to temporary positions. In 2010, 26 percent of all news jobs were temporary — compared with less than 11 percent in the early 1990's recovery and just 7.1 percent in the early 2000's.
   The American model of high productivity and low pay has friends in high  places. Former Obama adviser and General Motors (GM) car czar 
Steven Rattner argues that America's unemployment crisis is a sign of strength: 
 Perversely, the nagging high  jobless rate reflects two of the most promising attributes of the  American economy: its flexibility and its productivity. Eliminating jobs — with all the wrenching human costs — raises productivity and,  thereby, competitiveness.
  Unusually, US productivity grew right through  the recession; normally, companies can't reduce costs fast enough to  keep productivity from falling.
  That kind of efficiency is perhaps our most  precious economic asset. However tempting it may be, we need to resist  tinkering with the labor market. Policy proposals aimed too directly at  raising employment may well collaterally end up dragging on  productivity.
 
  Rattner comes dangerously close to  articulating a full-unemployment policy. He suggests unemployed workers  don't merit the same massive government intervention that served GM and  the banks so well. When Wall Street was on the ropes, both  administrations sensibly argued, "doing nothing is not an option." For  the long-term unemployed, doing nothing appears to be Washington's  preferred policy.
  The unemployment crisis has been a godsend for  America's superrich, who own the vast majority of financial assets —  stocks, bonds, currency and commodities.
Persistent unemployment and weak unions have  changed the American workforce into a buyers' market — job seekers and  workers are now "price takers" rather than "price makers." Obama's  recovery shares with Reagan's early years the distinction of being the  only two post-war expansions where wage concessions have been the rule  rather than the exception. The year 2009 marked the slowest wage growth  on record, followed by the second slowest in 2010.
  America's labor market depression propels  asset price appreciation. In the last two years, US corporate profits  and share prices rose at the fastest pace in history — and the fastest  in the G-7. Considering the source of profits, the soaring stock market  appears less a beacon of prosperity than a reliable proxy for America's  new misery index. Mark Whitehouse of The Wall Street Journal describes Obama's hamster wheel recovery:
  From mid-2009 through the end of  2010, output per hour at U.S. nonfarm businesses rose 5.2% as companies  found ways to squeeze more from their existing workers. But the lion's  share of that gain went to shareholders in the form of record profits,  rather than to workers in the form of raises. Hourly wages, adjusted for  inflation, rose only 0.3%, according to the Labor Department. In other  words, companies shared only 6% of productivity gains with their  workers. That compares to 58% since records began in 1947.
 
  Workers' wages and salaries represent roughly  two-thirds of production costs and drive inflation. High inflation is a  bondholders' worst enemy because bonds are fixed-income securities. For  example, if a bond yields a fixed five percent and inflation is running  at four percent, the bond's real return is reduced to one percent. High  unemployment constrains labor costs and, thus, also functions as an  anchor on inflation and inflation expectations — protecting bondholders'  real return and principal. Thanks to the absence of real wage growth  and inflation over the last two years, bond funds have attracted record  inflows and investors have profited immensely. 
   The Federal Reserve has played the leading  role in sustaining the recovery, but monetary policies work indirectly  and disproportionately favor the wealthy. Low interest rates have helped  banks recapitalize, allowed businesses and households to refinance debt  and provided Wall Street with a tsunami of liquidity — but its impact  on employment and wage growth has been negligible. 
  CNBC's Jim Cramer provides insight  into the counterintuitive link between a rotten economy and soaring  asset prices: 
"We are and have been in the longest 'bad news is good  news' moment that I have ever come across in my 31 years of trading.  That means the bad news keeps producing the low interest rates that make  stocks, particularly stocks with decent dividend protection, more  attractive than their fixed income alternatives."
 In other words, the  longer Ben Bernanke's policies fail to lower unemployment, the longer  Wall Street enjoys a free ride.   Out-of-work Americans deserve more than  unemployment checks — they deserve dividends. The rich would never have  recovered without them.
                         ThinkProgress
June 30, 2011
                           		 		 			After  the longest recession since WWII, many  Americans are still struggling  while S&P 500 corporations are  sitting on $800 billion in cash and  making massive profits. Now, economists from Northeastern University  have released a study that finds our sluggish economic recovery has  almost solely benefited corporations. According to the study: 
      "Between the second quarter of 2009 and the fourth quarter of 2010,   real national income in the U.S. increased by $528 billion. Pre-tax   corporate profits by themselves had increased by $464 billion while   aggregate real wages and salaries rose by only $7 billion or only .1%.   Over this six quarter period, corporate profits captured 88% of the   growth in real national income while aggregate wages and salaries   accounted for only slightly more than 1% of the growth in real national   income. ...The absence of any positive share of national  income  growth due to wages and salaries received by American workers  during the  current economic recovery is historically unprecedented." 
 The 
New York Times adds,  
 "According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, average  real hourly  earnings for all employees actually declined by 1.1  percent from June  2009, when the recovery began, to May 2011, the month for which the most  recent earnings numbers are available." 
 So  as average wages fall, and nearly 14 million people remain  unemployed,  America's economic recovery has almost entirely benefited   corporations. This development  adds another chapter to the decline of  the middle class, whose incomes  are shrinking and wages are stagnating.  Last year, top executives' salaries increased 27 percent, while workers'  salaries increased only 2 percent. 
At the moment, income inequality in   America is the worst it's been since the 1920s, as the richest 1  percent  make nearly 25 percent of the country's income.
The Lookout
April 1, 2011
Just a week after the report that bonuses for CEOs jumped 30 percent last year comes another startling statistic that illustrates the ever-increasing gap between rich and poor    in America: overall CEO compensation increased by 27 percent in 2010,    while the pay of the average worker grew only 2 percent, according to  
a USA Today analysis of data from GovernanceMetrics International.                 
Perhaps   it's fitting that, as the Columbia Journalism  Review points out, the   Business section of today's New York Times reads  like a "snapshot of   the gilded age economy." Stories in the April 1  section include one on   the $17 million paid to the CEOs of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in 2009 and 2010--fresh off the taxpayers bailing out the two lenders to the tune of $150 billion--and another on the multi-billion dollar lending program the Fed used to save the likes of Fannie and Freddie.
  World Socialist Web Site
March 1, 2011 
While   millions of Americans confront the daily miseries of unemployment,  home  foreclosure and poverty as a result of the economic crisis,  corporate  profits are soaring.
 Walmart,  the world’s largest retail chain,  announced last week that its profits  grew by 27 percent in the fourth  quarter of 2010, while sales at US  stores have declined for the second  year in a row. The company made $6  billion in profits in the fourth  quarter, up from $4.8 billion a year  before and $3.5 billion in the  third quarter of 2010.
 Home Depot  posted a 72 percent increase in  profits, after sales increased by 3.8  percent in the fourth quarter.  Profits reached $587 million, up from  $342 million a year earlier.
 Hundreds  of companies have posted similar figures. The story is the same: sales  and revenues have fallen or ticked up slightly, while profits have grown  by double digits.
 The  discrepancy between revenues and profits  is due to the fact that the  “recovery” in corporate balance sheets is  built on layoffs and speedup.  
“A lot of the recent profits are based on  the revenue from cost-cutting,” said James L. Butkeiwiz, professor of  economics at the University of Delaware, in a telephone interview.
 Walmart,  for instance, cut over 11,000 jobs at its Sam’s Club warehouse stores  in January 2010, about 10 percent of the subsidiary’s workforce. Home  Depot cut 7,000 jobs in 2009 and shuttered 34 of its Expo home design  stores in 2009.
 Corporate  profits reached an annual rate of  $1.659 trillion in the third quarter  of 2010, and it is possible that  fourth quarter profits, which have  not yet been aggregated, were even  higher.
 As a result of these  record profits, companies have found  themselves with huge stockpiles of  cash. US corporations had a record  $1.93 trillion in cash and similar  assets in December, the last time  figures were released.
 Instead  of investing, companies have used  this cash to buy back their own  stocks, enriching executives and  shareholders without creating jobs. In  January 2011, stock buybacks  reached their highest level since the  start of the economic downturn.  That month, companies bought back $57  billion in shares, compared to  $357 billion for all of last year,  according to Trimtabs, the finance  data company.
 Intel,  the maker of computer chips, announced the  largest buyback thus far,  amounting to $10 billion, on January 24.  Within two weeks, Pfizer, the pharmaceutical company, and media  conglomerate Time Warner each followed with $5 billion.
 Trimtabs   said that buyback activity was up by 25 percent in the fourth quarter   over the third, reaching an average of $1.7 billion daily. 
“Companies   have a lot of cash and they don’t feel very confident in investing  it,”  said Vincent Deluard, the company’s executive vice president, in a   telephone interview.
 Compared to boosting  dividends, the more  traditional method of disbursing excess cash, stock  buybacks are  preferred by executives because they increase the values  of their own  existing shares.
 “Stock buybacks benefit executives,” said  Charles  Elson, a professor of corporate governance at the University  of  Delaware. “If they have options, then a buyback is significantly  more  favorable than just paying dividends.”
 Aggressive  wage cuts,  together with layoffs and speedup, have resulted in drastic  increases in  labor productivity, which grew by 6 percent in 2010  following similar  gains the previous year.
 “Firms have maintained productivity by  laying off workers, and they’re not willing to hire,” said Dr.  Butkeiwicz. “Often, productivity falls in recessions, but it hasn’t this  time around.”
 As a result, corporations have managed to increase  productivity while cutting output. 
“Companies have to be happy, there’s  no question about that,” Butkeiwicz said. “They’ve got to do something  with their money, so they’re just buying back stock.”
 In the face  of an economic crisis that has led to at least 8 million layoffs and  over 6 million home foreclosures, by  its own estimates the Obama  administration’s programs have created  586,340 jobs, only about one 16th  of those lost since the beginning of  the recession. High unemployment  is in  fact a deliberate policy, aimed at providing a rapid recovery in   corporate profits at the expense of workers.
 This policy is  manifest most clearly at General Motors,  which posted its first annual  profit since 2004 last week. The company  made $4.7 billion for the year,  the most since 1999, in a dramatic  return to profitability.
 This   was the direct outcome of the Obama administration’s restructuring   program, in which the government insisted that workers take major   concessions. The contract forced onto auto workers in 2009  drastically  increased the proportion of workers making $14 per hour,  half the  previous wage, combined with thousands of layoffs.
 This  White  House-managed corporate restructuring, initiated in early 2009,  opened  the floodgates for other companies to take similar measures on  their own  initiative, using the economic crisis to lay off thousands  and impose  speedup and wage cuts on those who remained.
 Two  years after the  process started, the end result is clear: millions  unemployed, millions  in foreclosure, and record corporate profits.
     The Lookout
June 14, 2011
Over the last decade, the share of U.S. national income taken home by workers has plummeted to a record low.                 Check out the chart below, compiled by the Labor Department, and posted this week by conservative writer David Frum.   It shows that the decline began with the brief recession that followed   9/11 in 2001. But it continued even as the economy picked up again,  and  got even worse once the Great Recession hit. In the weak recovery since  then, workers' share of income just kept on falling.
                 
                 Why are workers taking  home such a reduced share of the pie? Opinions differ, but many experts  think that the trend has to do with a number of factors, including a  decline in the bargaining power of labor, and increased competition from  foreign workers. Similarly, over the last year or so, U.S. companies have made record profits, while unemployment has stayed high and wages have barely risen.
                 The chart jibes with other data, which show that since the 1980s, income for the richest 1 percent of Americans has exploded, while hardly budging at all for everyone else.
                 Still, there's little sense that either Obama  administration or Congress plan to do much about this growing  inequality. Indeed, any serious action to boost the economy and cut  unemployment now seems to be off the table
The Lookout
July 6, 2011
It is, you might say, the best of times, and the worst of times.
 Call  it a tale of two economies. 
Across a range of measures, the current  "recovery" is among the weakest since the government began keeping  records.  Meanwhile, American corporations, which already have been  raking in  massive profits, are poised to report strong second quarter  profits. And  despite that imbalance, one economic commentator notes that  those same  corporations are still lobbying for more tax  breaks--concerns over the  deficit be damned. The Great Recession officially  ended in June 2009, but the recovery  has been lackluster in the  extreme. It's not just the 9.1 percent  unemployment rate, the nearly 14 million jobless, or the anemic 1.8  percent GDP growth in the first quarter--numbers we're all familiar with  at this point.
 As the Wall Street Journal reports, banks are lending less money now--both through credit card lines and home loans--than when the recovery began, according to numbers from the New York Fed.
 And  although household debt is lower than it was at the height of the   boom, it's still high enough to exert a severe drag on the economy. In  2007, the average household had borrowed 127 percent of its annual  income to fund purchases. That's now down to 112 percent--in part  because banks have written off some debt as uncollectable.  But it could  take years before it descends the average level for the  1990s, 84  percent, which experts say is a healthier mark.
 So, things are bleak--but not for American companies and  shareholders. The Journal reports separately that according to an  analysis by Brown Brothers Harriman, second-quarter earnings for  companies in the Standard &  Poor's 500-stock index are expected to rise by 13.6 percent compared to a year ago, when they're announced later this month.
 That news comes after U.S. companies reported record profits last year. And rather than using that cash to hire workers, they sat on more of it than ever before.
 Given  all this, you might expect that corporations would at least be  doing  what they can to help solve the deficit problem that many experts  say  imperils the long-term stability of the economy. But as David  Leonhardt of the New York Times observes today, the opposite is the case.
 Leonhardt uses as an example the Business  Roundtable, a trade group  that's generally seen as moderate, and talks  about the deficit problem  in sober, restrained tones. But lately, he writes, its actions are  telling a different story:
Rhetoric aside, it  consistently lobbies for a higher deficit. The roundtable defends   corporate tax loopholes and even argues for new ones. It pushes for a   lower corporate tax rate. It favors the permanent extension of the Bush tax cuts. It opposes a reduction in the tax subsidy   for health insurance, a reduction that was part of the 2009 health    reform bill. Oh, and the roundtable also favors new spending on roads,    bridges and other infrastructure.
It's not just the Roundtable. Leonhardt continues:
Today's business  groups struggle to come up with any specific deficit  plan. Last year,  the Business Council—a group of top corporate  executives headed by  Jamie Dimon of JPMorgan Chase—and the roundtable  released a 49-page plan   that simultaneously warned that projected deficits would "retard  future   growth" and called for policies that would add hundreds of  billions of   dollars a year to the deficit.
 So to recap: This recovery is among the weakest since World War Two.   But three years after the financial industry caused the economy to  tank,  corporations are doing better than ever, without using their  profits to  hire people. Meanwhile, they're lobbying for more tax breaks, which  would make the deficit problem worse.
 The New York Times
August 31, 2011       
                At  least 25 top United States companies paid more to their chief   executives in 2010 than they did to the federal government in taxes,  according to a study released on Wednesday.        
   The companies — which include household names like eBay, Boeing, General  Electric and Verizon — 
averaged $1.9 billion each in profits, according  to the study by the Institute for Policy Studies, a liberal-leaning  research group. 
But  a variety of shelters, loopholes and tax reduction  strategies allowed  the companies to average $304 million each in tax  benefits — which can be taken as a refund or used as write-off against  earnings in future years.        
 The chief executives of those companies were paid an average of more  than $16 million a year, the study found, a figure substantially higher  than the $10.8 million average for all companies in the Standard &  Poor’s 500-stock index.        
  The financial data in the report was taken from the companies’   regulatory filings, which can differ from what is actually filed on a   corporate tax return. Even in a year  when a company claims an overall  tax benefit, it may pay some cash  taxes while accumulating credits that  can be redeemed in future years. For  instance, General Electric reported  a federal tax benefit of more than  $3 billion in 2010, but company  officials said they still expected to  pay a small amount of cash taxes.         
 The authors of the study, which examined the regulatory filings of the  100 companies with the best-paid chief executives,  said that their  findings suggested that current United States policy  was rewarding tax  avoidance rather than innovation.        
 
“We  have no evidence that C.E.O.’s are fashioning, with their executive   leadership, more effective and efficient enterprises,” the study   concluded. “On the other hand, ample evidence suggests that C.E.O.’s  and  their corporations are expending considerably more energy on  avoiding  taxes than perhaps ever before — at a time when the federal  government  desperately needs more revenue to maintain basic services  for the  American people.”        
 The study comes at a time when business leaders have been lobbying for a  cut in corporate taxes and  Congress and the Obama administration are  considering an overhaul of  the tax code to reduce the federal budget deficit.        
 Many business leaders say that the top corporate statutory rate of 35  percent, which  is higher than any country except Japan, is hobbling the  economy and  making it difficult for domestic companies to compete with  overseas  rivals. A coalition led by  high-technology companies and  pharmaceutical manufacturers have been  pushing for a “repatriation  holiday,” which would let them bring as  much as $1 trillion in foreign  profits back to the United States at  substantially reduced rates.         
 But  the Obama administration has said it will consider lowering the   corporate rate only if Congress agrees to eliminate enough loopholes and   tax subsidies to pay for any drop in revenue.  Many policy experts  estimate that the United States could lower its  corporate rate to the  high 20s if it eliminated the maze of tax breaks  that favor specific  industries and investors.        
 The  report found, however, that many of the nation’s largest and highly   profitable companies paid far less than the statutory rate.        
 Verizon, which earned $11.9 billion in pretax United States profits,  received a federal tax refund of $705 million. The company’s chairman,  Ivan Seidenberg, meanwhile, received $18.1 million in compensation. The  online retailer eBay reported pretax profits of $848 million and  received a $113 million federal refund. John Donahoe, eBay’s chief  executive, collected a compensation package worth $12.4 million, the  study said.        
  Verizon and eBay officials disputed the report. Robert Varretoni, a   company spokesman, said that the $18 million in compensation for Mr.   Seidenberg was a target, which will only be paid in full if the company   stock rises when his bonus is fully vested in three years. Mr.  Varretoni  also said it was misleading of the report to cite Verizon’s  tax benefit  without noting that the company also incurred billions of  dollars in  deferred taxes which “will be paid over time.”        
 
“The fact is, Verizon fully complies with all tax laws and pays its fair share of taxes,” Mr. Varretoni said.        
  John Pluhowski, eBay's vice president for corporate communications,  said  on Wednesday that the study did not accurately portray the taxes  paid  by the company in 2010. Mr. Pluhowski said that eBay had paid $646   million in taxes to federal and local governments worldwide in 2010,   much of it in the United States. The $131 million tax benefit eBay   reported on its U.S. federal taxes was due, in large part, to accounting   adjustments made after the company settled several audits with the   I.R.S. for previous years' taxes. (EBay was asked to comment on Tuesday   before this article was published, but did not respond.)        
 Chaz Bickers, a Boeing spokesman, said  that the company’s taxes have  declined in recent years because it has  made huge investments in United  States manufacturing. Mr.  Bickers said that the company also paid hundreds of millions in cash   taxes and incurred an additional $1 billion in deferred taxes that it   will pay at some date in the future.        
 
“We pay our taxes and we have added 5,000 more U.S. manufacturing jobs  that were incentivized by tax benefits,” he said.
While the accounting  strategies used to lower taxes varied from company to company,
 the  report found that 18 of the 25 corporations had offshore subsidiaries,  which can be used to shelter income.         To  discourage companies from gaming the tax system, the report called  for  tighter rules on offshore tax havens and new restrictions on   write-offs for executive compensation.        
 
“Instead of sharing responsibility for addressing our nation’s fiscal  challenges,” said Chuck Collins, a senior scholar at the institute who  co-wrote the study, “corporations are rewarding C.E.O.’s for aggressive  tax avoidance.”        
This story originally appeared at Truthdig. Robert Scheer is the author of The Great American Stickup: How Reagan Republicans and Clinton Democrats Enriched Wall Street While Mugging Main Street (Nation Books).
The Nation
August 24, 2011
They will get away with it, at least in this life.  “They” are the Wall  Street usurers, people of a sort condemned in  Scripture, who have  brought more misery to this nation than we have  known since the Great  Depression. 
“They” will not suffer for their crimes because they have a  majority ownership position in our political system.  That is the meaning  of the banking plea bargain that the Obama  administration is pressuring  state attorneys general to negotiate with  the titans of the financial  world. 
It is a sellout deal that, in return for a pittance of compensation  by banks to ripped-off mortgage holders, would grant the banks blanket  immunity from any prosecution. That  is intended to short-circuit  investigations by a score of aggressive  state officials, inquiries that  offer the public a last best hope to  get to the bottom of the housing   scandal that has cost U.S. homeowners $6.6 trillion in home equity in   the past five years and left 14.6 million Americans owing more than   their homes are worth.
 The  $20 billion or so that the banks would pony up is chump change to  them  compared with the trillions that the Fed and other public agencies   spent to bail them out. The  banks were given direct cash subsidies,  virtually zero-interest loans,  and the Fed took $2 trillion in bad paper  off their hands while the  banks exacerbated the banking crisis they had  created through  additional shady practices, including fraudulent  mortgage foreclosures.
 Yet  the administration has rushed to the aid of the banks once again  and  is attempting to intimidate the few state attorneys general who have   the gumption to protect the public interest they are sworn to serve. As  Gretchen Morgenson of The New York Times reported:
 “Eric  T. Schneiderman, the attorney general of New York, has come  under  increasing pressure from the Obama administration to drop his   opposition to a wide-ranging state settlement with banks over dubious   foreclosure practices. …
 “In recent weeks, Shaun Donovan, the secretary of Housing and Urban  Development,  and high-level Justice Department officials have been  waging an  intensifying campaign to try to persuade the attorney general  to  support the settlement. …”
 Donovan  has good reason not to want an exploration of the origins of  the  housing meltdown: He has been a big-time player in the housing  racket  for decades. Back in the Clinton  administration, when  government-supported housing became a fig leaf  for bundling suspect  mortgages into what turned out to be toxic  securities, Donovan was a  deputy assistant secretary at HUD and  acting Federal Housing  Administration commissioner. He was up to his  eyeballs in this business  when the Clinton administration pushed through legislation banning any  regulation of the market in derivatives based on home mortgages.
 Armed with his insider connections,  Donovan then went to work for the Prudential conglomerate (no surprise  there), working deals with the same government housing agencies that he  had helped run. 
As The New York Times reported in 2008 after President  Barack Obama picked him to be secretary of HUD,
  “Mr. Donovan was a  managing director at Prudential Mortgage Capital  Co., in charge of its  portfolio of investments in affordable housing  loans, including Fannie  Mae and the Federal Housing Administration  debt.”
 The  HUD website boasts in its bio  of Donovan that “under Secretary  Donovan’s leadership, HUD has helped  stabilize the housing market and  worked to keep responsible families in  their homes.” If that is  so, we have to assume that the tens of millions  savaged by an  out-of-control banking industry were not “responsible.”  And if the  housing market has in any way been “stabilized,” why did the  Commerce  Department report Tuesday that new home sales have dropped for  the  third month in a row? 
 Shifting  the blame from the swindlers to the victims is the cynical  rot at the  core of the response of both the Bush and Obama  administrations to the  housing collapse. It  is a response that aims to  forgive and forget the crimes of Wall  Street while allowing ordinary  folks to sink deeper into the pit of  debt and despair. It infects  Donovan and many others who claim to be concerned for the very  homeowners they are betraying by undermining the few officials such as  Schneiderman who seek to hold the bankers accountable.
 In her article about the pressure being brought to bear on  Schneiderman to go along with the sellout, Morgenson  reported that  according to an attendee at a memorial service this  month for former New  York Gov. Hugh Carey, as Schneiderman was leaving  he “became embroiled  in a contentious conversation with Kathryn S.  Wylde, a member of the  board of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York  who represents the  public.”
 When interviewed by Morgenson,   Wylde claimed that her conversation with Schneiderman was “not   unpleasant” but that she told him: 
“It is of concern to the industry that  instead of trying to facilitate resolving these issues, you seem to be  throwing a wrench into it. Wall  Street is our Main Street—love ’em or  hate ’em. They are important and  we have to make sure we are doing  everything we can to support them  unless they are doing something  indefensible.”
 When haven’t they done that?
The Associated Press
August 19, 2011
News flash: Congressional Republicans want to raise your taxes.Impossible,  right? GOP lawmakers are so virulently anti-tax, surely they will fight  to prevent a payroll tax increase on virtually every wage-earner  starting Jan. 1, right?
Apparently not.
Many  of the same  Republicans who fought hammer-and-tong to keep the George  W. Bush-era  income tax cuts from expiring on schedule are now saying a  different  "temporary" tax cut should end as planned. By their own definition, that  amounts to a tax increase.
The tax break extension they oppose is  sought by President Barack Obama. Unlike proposed changes in the income  tax,  this policy helps the 46 percent of all Americans who owe no  federal  income taxes but who pay a "payroll tax" on practically every  dime they  earn.
There are other differences as well, and   Republicans say their stand is consistent with their goal of long-term   tax policies that will spur employment and lend greater certainty to the   economy.
"It's always a net positive to let  taxpayers keep more  of what they earn," says Rep. Jeb Hensarling, "but  not all tax relief is  created equal for the purposes of helping to get  the economy moving  again." The Texas lawmaker is on the House GOP  leadership team.
The   debate is likely to boil up in coming weeks as a special bipartisan   committee seeks big deficit reductions and weighs which tax cuts are   sacrosanct.
At  issue is a tax that the vast majority of workers  pay, but many don't  recognize because they don't read, or don't  understand their pay stubs.  Workers normally pay 6.2  percent of their  wages toward a tax designated for Social Security.  Their employer pays  an equal amount, for a total of 12.4 percent per  worker.
As part  of a  bipartisan spending deal last December, Congress approved Obama's   request to reduce the workers' share to 4.2 percent for one year;   employers' rate did not change. Obama wants Congress to extend the  reduction for an additional year. If not, the rate will return to 6.2  percent on Jan. 1.
Obama  cited the payroll tax in his weekend  radio and Internet address  Saturday, when he urged Congress to work  together on measures that help  the economy and create jobs.
 "There are  things we can  do right now that will mean more customers for businesses  and more jobs  across the country. We can cut payroll taxes again, so  families have  an extra $1,000 to spend," he said.
Social  Security  payroll taxes apply only to the first $106,800 of a worker's  wages.  Therefore, $2,136 is the biggest benefit anyone can gain from  the  one-year reduction.
The great majority of Americans make less than  $106,800 a year. Millions of workers pay more in payroll taxes than in  federal income taxes.
The  12-month tax reduction will cost the  government about $120 billion  this year, and a similar amount next year  if it's renewed.
That  worries Rep. David Camp, R-Mich., chairman  of the tax-writing Ways and  Means Committee, and a member of the  House-Senate supercommittee tasked  with finding new deficit cuts. 
Tax  reductions, "no matter how well-intended," will push the deficit higher,  making the panel's task that much harder, Camp's office said.
But   Republican lawmakers haven't always worried about tax cuts increasing   the deficit. They led the fight to extend the life of a much bigger tax   break: the major 2001 income tax reduction enacted under Bush. It was   scheduled to expire at the start of this year. Obama campaigned on a   pledge to end the tax break only for the richest Americans, but solid   GOP opposition forced him to back down.
Many  Republicans are  adamant about not raising taxes but largely silent on  what it would mean  to let the payroll tax break expire.
Republicans  cite key  differences between the two "temporary" taxes, starting with  the fact  that the Bush measure had a 10-year life from the start. To  stimulate  job growth, these lawmakers say, it's better to reduce  income tax rates  for people and for companies than to extend the  payroll tax break.
"We  don't need short-term gestures.  We need long-term fundamental changes  in our tax structure and our  regulatory structure that people who create  jobs can rely on," said  Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., when asked about  the payroll tax matter.
House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, R-Va.,  "has never believed that this type of temporary tax relief is the best  way to grow the economy," said spokesman Brad Dayspring.
The  nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office says payroll tax reductions give  the economy a short-term boost. But it says the benefit is bigger if  employers get the tax break instead of, or along with, workers.
Some  top Republicans have taken a wait-and-see approach, expecting the  payroll tax issue to be a bargaining chip in the upcoming debt reduction  talks.
Neither  House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, nor Senate  Minority Leader Mitch  McConnell, R-Ky., has taken a firm stand on  whether to extend the  one-year tax cut.
Most GOP presidential candidates also are treading lightly.
Former   Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney did not flatly rule out an extra year   for the payroll tax cut, but he "would prefer to see the payroll tax cut   on the employer side" to spur job growth, his campaign said.
Former   House speaker Newt Gingrich said Republicans will fall under  increasing  pressure to extend the payroll tax cut. If they refuse, he  said in a  recent speech, "we're going to end up in a position where we're going to  raise taxes on the lowest-income Americans the day they go to work."
Many  Democrats also are ambivalent about Obama's proposed tax cut extension.  They are more focused on protecting social programs from deep spending  cuts. Some  worry that a multiyear reduction in the tax designated for  Social  Security could undermine that program's health and stature.
For  decades the payroll tax generated more revenue than the Social Security  paid out in benefits. The excess was used to fund other government  operations.  Last year, however, Social Security benefits began  outstripping  revenue from its designated sources, forcing the program to  start  tapping its "trust fund" of government obligations.
 Wayne Madsen Report
June 15, 2011
What  lies in store for Greece, Portugal, Spain, Ireland, Italy,  and, in  short order, the United States, is the wholesale sell-off of  public  property to private corporations at bargain basement prices. 
What   the despots who gather in their secretive lairs at Davos, Cernobbio,   Bilderberg, and G8/G20 are bringing about is a world where no property   is owned by the state, which by default means the people. Total  corporate control over every facet of life equals extreme fascism. What  is occurring in Greece is a bellwether for what will befall  other  nations in Europe, as well as the United States, if the bankers  get  their way. And in Greece, the  people know how generations of  investments by the taxpayers are being  turned over to vampire  capitalists who have the full backing of the  International Monetary  Fund, European Commission, and the European  Central Bank.
 The  European and global bankers have demanded that the Greek  government  sell off entirely or assume a minority stake in a number of  state  enterprises and utilities.
 For example, this year global capitalists are slated to acquire 84  percent of OTE, the Greek telecommunications provider. In addition,  private bankers will assume 66 percent ownership of the  Greek Postal  Savings Bank; 51 percent of the National Lottery; 60  percent of the  Salonika Water Authority; 68 percent of DEPA, the  natural gas utility;  and 25 percent ownership of the ports of Piraeus  and Salonika.
 Next year, the capitalist grab for public property increases in  intensity with Athens International Airport coming under 79 percent  private ownership. The global capitalists will also obtain 100 percent  ownership  of the Egniata toll motorway; 60 percent of Hellenic Post; 66  percent  of OPAP, the state-run video-lotto and online sports betting  firm; 73  percent of the Athens Water Authority; 83 percent of DEI, the  Greek  Electric Authority; and 51 percent of the Greek Regional Airports   Authority.
 The Greek Communist Party has vowed to fight against the acquisition  of public property by the private sector. In  fact, it is the Communist  parties of Europe that have been the most  vocal against the power grab  by the bankers but their opposition to the  privatization moves receives  very little attention by the  corporate-controlled media.
 Massive sell-off lists of public property are now being drawn up by  the governments of Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Ireland. In the United  States, there are calls for the privatization of the US Postal Service,  Social Security, and Medicare.
 One Libyan government official this reporter spoke to in Tripoli,  during an intensive NATO bombing assault, opined that the same fate is  in store for the Libyan Socialist Jamahiriyah. With  the highest standard  of living in Africa, Libyans could witness the  U.S.- and NATO-backed  rebel government begin to sell off Libyan  government assets to global  capitalists. 
  The Associated Press
July 20, 2011
A  new bipartisan plan to reduce government borrowing would  target some  of the most cherished tax breaks enjoyed by millions of  families — those promoting health insurance, home ownership, charitable  giving and retirement savings — in exchange for lowering overall tax  rates for everyone.
Many taxpayers would face higher taxes — a total of at least $1.2 trillion over the next decade, and perhaps more.
The   details and impact of the plan, released this week by the bipartisan   "Gang of Six" senators, emerged as President Barack Obama called   congressional leaders to the White House on Wednesday to determine, in   separate meetings, their bottom line for extending the nation's debt   limit while also cutting spending at the greatest amount possible. The   role of additional tax revenue remained a sticking point.
With the   default deadline of Aug. 2 approaching, the White House signaled for   the first time that Obama would be willing to sign off on a short-term   extension of the debt limit if a grander deal were in the works and   needed only a few days' worth of extra time to wind its way through the   legislative process.
For its  part, the Gang of Six plan punts on  many of the most difficult issues,  leaving it to congressional  committees to fill in the details later.  But supporters say it provides a  framework to simplify the tax code,  making it easier for businesses and  individuals to comply while  eliminating incentives to game the system.
"I   think this is an attempt to find a middle ground on taxes that   emphasizes keeping rates low and broadening the base as much as   possible, and I think that's a very positive aspect of it," said Eugene   Steuerle, a former Treasury official who worked on the last tax reform   package that passed Congress, in 1986.
Coupled  with spending cuts,  the plan would reduce deficits by nearly $4  trillion over the next  decade. While Obama and senators from both  parties lauded the plan as a  possible breakthrough in their  negotiations, some congressional leaders  said the plan lacks details and could produce much bigger tax increases  than advertised.
The  Republican staff of the House Budget  Committee issued a critique  saying the revenue increase could exceed $2  trillion over the next  decade, when compared with current tax policy.
"A tax increase is the wrong policy to pursue with so many Americans out of work," said House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, R-Va.
The plan would simplify the tax code by reducing the number of tax brackets  from six to three, lowering the top rate from 35 percent to somewhere  between 23 percent and 29 percent. That  could provide a windfall for  wealthy taxpayers because the 35 percent  tax bracket currently applies  to taxable income above $379,150.
To  help pay for lower rates, the  plan would reduce popular tax breaks for  mortgage interest, health  insurance, charitable giving and retirement  savings. Other tax breaks  would be spared, including the $1,000-per-child tax credit and the  earned income tax credit, which helps the working poor stay out of  poverty.
The alternative minimum tax,  which was enacted in 1969 to make sure that high-income families pay at  least some income tax, would be repealed.  The tax was never indexed for  inflation, so Congress routinely patches  it each year — at an annual  cost of about $70 billion — to prevent it  from hitting more than 20  million middle-income families.
About   35 million households claimed the mortgage interest deduction in 2009,   and about 36 million households claimed deductions for charitable   contributions, according to the Joint Committee on Taxation, the  congressional scorekeeper on taxes.
The  Gang of Six plan does not specify how the tax breaks would be trimmed.   Democrats have several proposals that would restrict wealthy families'   use of the breaks, while preserving them for most low- and  middle-income  taxpayers. Such a plan would offset rate cuts for  high-income families  by limiting their ability to take advantage of  various tax breaks.
For  example, current law allows homeowners to deduct the interest they pay  on home mortgages of up to $1 million. One proposal would lower the  limit to $500,000 and exclude mortgage interest on second homes.
Starting  in 2018, the new health care law would tax high-priced health insurance  plans. There are several proposals to adjust the tax to include more  health plans while sparing lower-income families with more modest  coverage.
The Gang of Six plan is silent about taxes on capital gains  and dividends, but tax experts said it would be difficult to generate  more than $1 trillion in additional revenue without increasing taxes on  investments. The current top rate on capital gains and dividends is 15  percent — well below the top rate for ordinary income.
"No matter  what they do on the revenue side, by some measure they are going to be  taking something away from somebody," Steuerle said. "The whole budget  package is about asking a lot of people to give up something they think  they have."
On  the business  side, the plan would lower the corporate income tax rate  from 35 percent  to somewhere between 23 percent and 29 percent, all of which would be  funded by eliminating unspecified tax breaks for businesses.
Under   current law, the U.S. taxes overseas profits of American corporations   but only after they return those profits to the U.S. The proposal calls  for a territorial tax system, which would tax only profits made in the  U.S. The proposal could be a huge windfall for U.S.-based multinational  corporations, though it would supposedly be financed by eliminating many  of the tax breaks those same companies enjoy.
Business   groups have already been lobbying Congress to keep their tax breaks  and  to create new ones, an effort that will only intensify if lawmakers   dive into the details of overhauling the tax code.
"The   bookshelves of policy analysts in Washington are loaded with  statements  of principle on tax reform that all sound good," said  William Gale, an  adviser to President George H. W. Bush's Council of  Economic Advisers  and now co-director of the Tax Policy Center. "And  then they all die  when you try to specify the details."
The   Gang of Six senators is made up of Republicans Tom Coburn of Oklahoma,   Mike Crapo of Idaho and Saxby Chambliss of Georgia and Democrats Kent   Conrad of North Dakota, Mark Warner of Virginia and Dick Durbin of   Illinois.
 CNSNews.com
June 26, 2011
In his weekly address released  Saturday, 
President Barack Obama called for a campaign of "nation  building here at home," citing as an example of what is needed to  rebuild the American economy an initiative
 he announced Friday  to "invest" tax dollars in what he called a "partnership" between the  federal government and an initial group of 11 major corporations. The administration's corporate partners in this venture include   Caterpiller, Corning, Dow Chemical, Ford, Honeywell, Intel, Johnson  and  Johnson, Allegheny Technologies, Stryker and Proctor and Gamble.
Editor's Note: 
Caterpillar Inc. is the bulldozer manufacturer that President Barack Obama used to help push his $787 billion stimulus plan. Chief   Executive Officer Jim Owens, 63, is a member of the president’s    Economic Recovery Advisory Board. Obama visited the Peoria, Illinois,    headquarters on February 12, 2009, the final day of his campaign to   press for Congressional passage. - How’s the stimulus working out for Caterpillar?, Michelle Malkin, April 21, 2009
Caterpillar   Inc. of Illinois announced nearly 2,400 layoffs despite President  Obama   using his home state’s company as an example of a struggling    manufacturer that would benefit from his economic stimulus plan and save  jobs. The   new round of job cuts will span five plants in Illinois, Indiana and    Georgia, and follows the January news that Caterpillar would slash  22,000 people from its 112,000-person workforce. Mr.   Obama hosted an event in support of his stimulus plan at the   company’s  Peoria, Ill., headquarters in mid-February, saying the $787   billion  stimulus would be “a major step forward on our path to economic    recovery.” - Caterpillar slashes jobs despite stimulus, Washington Times, March 17, 2009 
Obama is not seeking new legislation from Congress to authorize his  government-corporate partnership program--which  he is calling the  "Advanced Manufacturing Partnership"--and he did not  say how the  corporations in the partnership had been chosen. "The President’s plan, which leverages existing programs and  proposals, will invest more than $500 million to jumpstart this effort,"  the White House said in a statement released Friday.
"Even  though we’ve turned our economy in the right direction over the past  couple of years,  many Americans are still hurting, and now is the time  to focus on  nation building here at home," Obama said before explaining  the  partnership in his Saturday address.
 In  addition to the 11 corporations, the administration also picked a   small group of universities to participate in the government-corporate   partnership. These include the Massachusetts Institute of  Technology,  Carnegie Mellon University, Georgia Institute of  Technology, Stanford  University, the University of California-Berkeley  and the University of  Michigan. The White House did not say how these universities were  selected.
 In a speech  in Pittsburgh Friday announcing the government-corporate partnership  program, Obama said that in American history such partnerships have  often led the way in enterpreneurial breakthroughs.   
 "Throughout our history, our greatest breakthroughs have often come  from partnerships just like this one," said Obama.  "American innovation  has always been sparked by individual scientists  and entrepreneurs,  often at universities like Carnegie Mellon or  Georgia Tech or Berkeley  or Stanford.  But  a lot of companies don’t invest in early ideas because  it won’t pay  off right away. And that’s where government can step in."
 As described  in the White House statement, the  largest single element of the partnership program  will have the  Departments of Commerce,  Agriculture, Homeland Security, Energy and  Defense spending an estimated  $300 million in tax dollars to "co-invest  with industry" in the  development of products including "small high-powered batteries" and  "alternative energy."
 "Starting  this summer, the Departments of Defense, Homeland Security,  Energy,  Agriculture, Commerce and other agencies will coordinate a   government-wide effort to leverage their existing funds and future   budgets, with an initial goal of $300  million, to co-invest with  industry in innovative technologies that  will jumpstart domestic  manufacturing capability essential to our  national security and promote  the long-term economic viability  of critical U.S. industries," said the  White House statement. "Initial  investments include small high-powered  batteries, advanced composites,  metal fabrication, bio-manufacturing,  and alternative energy, among  others."
 In his weekly address, President Obama  explained his view that  "nation building here at home" means government  "investment" in  education and infrastructure, as well as in the  development of  technology--including the kind of "clean energy" technology that will be  one focus of his new government-corporate partnership.
 "That  means giving our kids the best education in the world so they  have the  knowledge and skills to succeed in this economy. It means  rebuilding  our crumbling roads, railways, and runways," said Obama. "And  it means  investing in the cutting-edge research and technologies that  will spur  growth in the years ahead – from clean energy to advanced   manufacturing."
 In his Friday speech at Pittsburgh as he announced the Advanced  Manufacturing Partnership, Obama  also put a focus on government  "investment" in "clean energy" and  pointed to the government bailouts of  General Motors and Chrysler as  successes.
 "If we want a robust,  growing economy, we need a robust, growing  manufacturing sector.   That’s why we told the auto industry two years  ago that if they were  willing to adapt, we’d stand by them.  Today,  they’re profitable,  they’re creating jobs, and they’re repaying  taxpayers ahead of  schedule," said Obama.
 "That's why we’ve launched a partnership  to retrain workers with new  skills.  That’s why we’ve invested in clean  energy manufacturing and new  jobs building wind turbines and solar  panels and advanced batteries,"  he said.
 The  White House said the creation of the government-corporate  partnership  program was based on a recomendation by the President's  Council of  Advisers on Science and Technology (PCAST). PCAST is  co-chaired by John Holdren, head of the White House Office of Science  and Technology Policy.
 In Human Ecology: Problems and Solutions, a 1973 book that  he co-authored with Paul Ehrlich and Anne H. Ehrlich, Holdren and his  co-authors wrote: 
“A  massive campaign must be launched to restore a  high-quality  environment in North America and to de-develop the United  States."
 “De-development  means bringing our economic system (especially  patterns of  consumption) into line with the realities of ecology and the  global  resource situation,” Holdren and the Ehrlichs wrote.
 “Resources  must be diverted from frivolous and wasteful uses in  overdeveloped  countries to filling the genuine needs of underdeveloped  countries," Holdren and his co-authors wrote.
"This effort must be  largely political, especially with regard to our overexploitation of  world resources,  but the campaign should be strongly supplemented by  legal and boycott  action against polluters and others whose activities  damage the  environment. The need for de-development presents our  economists with a  major challenge. They  must design a stable,  low-consumption economy in which there is a much  more equitable  distribution of wealth than in the present one. Redistribution  of wealth  both within and among nations is absolutely essential, if a  decent life  is to be provided for every human being.”
 In  a videotaped interview with CNSNews.com in September 2010,  reporter  Nicholas Ballays asked Holdren what he meant by a campaign to   de-develop the United States.
 “What  we meant by that was stopping the kinds of activities that are   destroying the environment and replacing them with activities that would   produce both prosperity and environmental quality," said  Holdren. "Thanks a lot.”
 Ballasy followed-up: “And how do you plan on implementing that?”
 “Through the free market economy,” Holdren said.
TriplePundit.com
April 4, 2011
Let’s start off with a general scenario that happens almost every  election cycle:  
A corporate leader holds fundraisers for a politician.   That politician gets elected into office.  We’ve  all heard examples of  those very corporate leaders benefiting from  government contracts and  other kickbacks shortly after their chosen  representative gets elected.   Is this behavior ethical?
 Specifically, are cleantech companies and the  Obama administration guilty of this behavior? According to an analysis  by the Center for Public Integrity,  this collusion between corporation  and State, specifically between  clean tech companies and the Obama  administration appears to be  happening.
 Some of the key findings include:
 - Steve Westly, a venture capitalist, raised more than $500,000 for the Obama presidential campaign.
- Since 2009,  four firms in The Westly Group’s portfolio are the  beneficiaries of  more than $510 million in Energy Department grants and  loans.
- In August, Westly was appointed to an Energy Department advisory committee that guides Cabinet secretary Steven Chu.
Some  may argue that this is merely a “public-private” partnership.   Private  companies and the Federal Government allegedly work together to  better  our countries energy resources, environment, and economy.
 But  what is called a public-private  partnership from one point of view can  also be called the collusion of  corporation and state from another.   Imagine if we had the same  scenario, but instead of clean tech  companies and the Obama  administration, insert Big Oil and the Bush  Administration.  (We  probably don’t even need to use our imaginations  for the latter scenario.)
 Wouldn’t we be up in arms with such overt collusion?   Wouldn’t we  call to question Big Oil companies making a profit with  the help of  Federal Government grants, loans, and/or subsidies?  We need to hold  clean tech companies and the Obama administration accountable for such  unethical behavior.  Otherwise, we would be hypocrites.
 Don’t  get me wrong, we need clean tech (especially renewables) now  more than  ever.  But there is a right way to do it, and a wrong way to  do it.  The wrong way to do it is to have the Federal Government picking  the winners and losers of the clean tech industry.
 The  right way to do it is to discover, fund, and succeed or fail the   various clean technologies in the marketplace.  It is through this   process that the best technologies, balancing profit with planetary   concerns, will emerge.
 Whether  it is Big Oil or clean tech in bed with the Federal  Government, the  collusion of corporation and state, is still a collusion  of corporation  and state.  We need to move towards a new era towards  the separation of corporation and state.   That is the only way we can  truly be sustainable, not only for our  economy, not only for our  environment, but also for our ethical social  behavior with each other.